Abstract
Excerpted From: Miriam C. Woodruff, Amy Polinsky and Rebecca A. Weiss, Equity Depends on the Definition: Examining the Impact of Segregation Definitions on Equity in School-based Mental Health, 30 Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 314 (August, 2024) (2 Footnotes/References) (Full Document Requested)
Racially minoritized youth in the United States are at greater risk for unmet mental health needs and face more obstacles in obtaining care than White youth (e.g., Anderson & Mayes, 2010; Cummings et al., 2017; Snowden & Yamada, 2005). Often, they have less access to care, experience longer delays to treatment, receive a lower quality of care, and experience more cultural barriers, such as reduced problem recognition and stigma (Garland et al., 2005; Gudiño et al., 2008; Kataoka et al., 2002; Kodjo & Auinger, 2004; Slade, 2004; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). Addressing these imbalances will not only improve mental health access for racially minoritized youth but may also help address other systemic inequities, such as youth gun violence, the school-to-prison pipeline, and the racial achievement gap (Arenson et al., 2019).
As mental health needs continue to rise, schools have become major providers of mental health services (e.g., Adelman & Taylor, 2000; Duong et al., 2021; Hoagwood et al., 2014). Young people spend a substantial part of their time in school, and schools provide an essential context for social, emotional, and cognitive development (Resurrección et al., 2014). Multiple studies have found that school-based mental health (SBMH) programs are more likely to be used by children and adolescents than specialty mental health clinics (e.g., Duong et al., 2021; Kataoka et al., 2002). According to the State Policy Database compiled by the National Association of State Boards of Education (2019), most states (86%) require or encourage schools to establish SBMH programs. Panchal et al. (2022) reported that 96% of randomly sampled public schools in the United States offered at least one mental health service in the 2021-2022 school year, and Stephan et al. (2007) found that SBMH programs were associated with lower mental health stigma and a greater service utilization rate among ethnically minoritized adolescents. At least one success of SBMH is evident: it reaches more youth than traditional outpatient settings. It may also help address some of the additional barriers racially minoritized youth face. However, the presence of an SBMH program does not guarantee equitable access. Few studies have examined the landscape of SBMH in the context of school segregation.
Following the landmark Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision that segregated schools are unconstitutional, integrating schools became a nationwide objective. While the ruling made segregation unconstitutional, implementing Brown was a monumental task requiring time and resources, federal, state, and local intervention, and parents' buy-in. A complete discussion of the legislation and litigation that implemented the Brown ruling is beyond the scope of this article. Still, interested readers can consult Hilbert (2018) for a robust discussion. Because of these challenges, desegregation efforts have not been entirely successful. The number of racially minoritized students in U.S. schools has increased in the last few decades, yet segregation remains an apparent problem (e.g., Kucsera & Orfield, 2014; Shapiro, 2019). The Stanford Center for Education Policy Analysis recently found that school segregation is among the most significant drivers of racial achievement gaps (Reardon et al., 2019). School segregation has also been associated with increased juvenile violence and violent crime and visible signs of inequality, such as poorer building maintenance and quality (Eitle & Eitle, 2010).
As Kucsera and Orfield (2014) point out, “One of the reasons that racial segregation is harmful is the strong connection between schools that concentrate Black and Latino students and schools that concentrate low-income students” (p. 15). Black and Latinx students tend to be in schools where most children live in poverty, while White and Asian students typically attend schools with middle-class students (Kucsera & Orfield, 2014). Subsequently, schools with a majority of Black and Latinx students often have fewer financial resources in addition to increased stressors such as food insecurity, untreated health problems, homelessness, language discrimination, and unequal exposure to computers and information (e.g., Reardon et al., 2019). Economic segregation also results in differing patterns of parent contributions (i.e., time and money) to school programs and resources, which impacts both the number of available services and a school's ability to attract and maintain experienced teachers and administrators.
Equity in access to school-based services is a timely question because of the recent decision by the United States Supreme Court that made it more challenging to implement race-conscious school admission policies, such as affirmative action. The court has repeatedly heard arguments over the purpose of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act and continually grappled with whether or not the 14th Amendment clause regarding equal protection applies to diversity policies, essentially whether the law is “colorblind” (Bazelon, 2023). Courts' definitions of critical diversity, equity, and inclusion terms are increasingly important. However, the definitions for race-based policy terms, such as segregation, are inconsistent across sectors. The definition used by courts, governments, and academics may change the answer to important questions, such as are schools diverse and are school mental health services reaching racially minoritized students? This study sought to understand how different definitions of segregation impact whether a large public school system provides equitable access to SBMH.
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Seventy years after Brown v. Board of Education (1954), NYC still has one of the most segregated school systems in the country; it is clear that prior desegregation efforts have not been widely successful. Researchers across the social sciences frequently recommend race-conscious school admission and choice policies (such as affirmative action) and policies that target certain racial proxy variables (e.g., socioeconomic status, test scores, home language other than English, overtly intimidating security measures, etc.; Billingham & Hunt, 2016; National Academy of Education, 2007). For example, Roda and Wells (2013) proposed incorporating race-conscious school choice policies rather than ones that are “colorblind and more market-based” because policies that explicitly target racial integration are more successful at building a diverse, high-quality, and more egalitarian public school system (Holme & Wells, 2009). However, in some cases, targeting proxies other than race (such as socioeconomic status) can result in decreases in socioeconomic (or other proxy) segregation while also increasing racial segregation in a school (Jones & Nichols, 2020; National Academy of Education, 2007). While racial diversity does not guarantee positive academic and social effects in a school, it provides the necessary conditions for schools to reap the benefits of integration, such as improved academic achievement, improved intergroup relations, and positive long-term outcomes. Race-conscious school policies are likely the most effective means of achieving racial diversity and its positive outcomes (e.g., Jones & Nichols, 2020; National Academy of Education, 2007).
Michael E. Lamb served as action editor.
Miriam C. Woodruff (iD) https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9052-7559
Rebecca A. Weiss (iD) https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6177-4315
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Miriam C. Woodruff, Department of Psychology, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York, 524 West 59th Street, New York, NY 10019, United States. Email:
